Film Evaluation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Film Evaluation - Essay Example What is Nixon guilty of? The film uses multiple perspectives to question his military strategies in Vietnam and Cambodia and, of course, the break-in to the Watergate hotel office of the Democratic Party and the subsequent cover up. Audiences see Frost and Reston, a researcher representing liberal criticism of Nixon’s foreign and domestic policy, using these interviews as a mock trial for Nixon. Nixon’s camp views the interviews as a re-election campaign, a fence mending expedition, and a path back to the East and the Capital beltway, which I didn’t realize before watching this film. During the interview process, Frost and Nixon’s interview-prep teams act like campaign advisors and spin doctors. The film reveals a Nixon whose political ambition soothed an ego, who stretched past the judicial limits of executive privilege. Nixon, who was granted a full pardon by President Ford, discusses his conflicts with the bipartisan Congress and Media and his frustrati on with the American checks and balances system. The film becomes as much about exploring Nixon’s feeling that what he did was â€Å"wrong,† but paradoxically not â€Å"wrong† because he did it as president as about the influence of American media as a fourth branch, a watchdog of American democracy and political transparency. II: Analysis of Political Ideas Conveyed within Frost/Nixon As the film opens, Director Howard and Writer Morgan expose viewers to a plethora of media clippings from nightly news programs, presidential interviews and public events, the formal Watergate hearings, and the voice of the average citizen. While these clippings provide background information and certainly provide urgency and interest in this cinematic event, they oversimplify the complex, elongated task of these revelations and impeachment process. One of the main criticisms of this film deal with the compression of time and boiled down simplification of the steps and factors cul minating in Nixon’s resignation. In a 2009 article, Reston himself commented: â€Å"For that televised interview in 1977, four hours of interrogation had been boiled down to 90 minutes. For the stage and screen, this history has been compressed a great deal more, into something resembling a comedic tragedy† (para. 5). The issues of the historical veracity of almost every step of this screenwriting process and cinematic manipulation has become an ongoing, contentious issue among political journalists and pundits. The ethics of the original interview put David Frost, his camp, and media itself on trial within this film and questions the unbiased nature of Frost’s interviews. The first segment of Frost/Nixon focuses on Frost and Nixon dancing around each other as Frost attempts to raise funds to secure an interview with Nixon as well as find a reputable network to air the interviews. Yet, as I previously did not know, all the established networks scoff at Frostâ₠¬â„¢s party image and lack of political expertise and refuse to be involved or lend their credibility to support Frost’s initiative. Specifically, the networks refer to their policy not to pay for interviews while Nixon’s Hollywood agent is requiring a staggering 600,000 dollars, 200, 000 of which must be up front for an afternoon exploratory meeting. The angle on the Frost’s first scribbled check to Nixon sheds light upon both Frost and Nixon’

The water cycle Essay Example for Free

The water cycle Essay The water cycle is a perpetual process in which water evaporates from the various water bodies, forms clouds, descends to the earth as rain or snow and finally reaches the oceans by means of the runoff mechanism (hydrologic cycle, 2002). Storage Water cycle involves vast amounts of water. The earth contains nearly 340 million cu miles of water. Only three percent of this amount of water can be used for drinking. In other words nearly ninety seven percent of the total volume of water available on the earth is in the oceans and therefore salty. However, the water that evaporates does not contain salt and because of this rain water and snow are free of salt. Salt free fresh water is located in glaciers, lakes and rivers. Moreover, ground water is also fresh and free from salt. The earth contains nearly 8. 6 million cubic miles of fresh water. The atmosphere always contains at least 2,900 cubic miles of water in vapor. Storage of water in the rivers and lakes in the world is estimated at 29,000 cubic miles. The principle sources of fresh water are the great polar ice caps. Nearly 6. 7 million cubic miles of water is stored in the polar ice caps. Water stored in the ground is about 2 million cubic miles (Gedzelman, 2005). Evaporation When a phase change occurs by which water gets transformed from a liquid to gas, it is known as evaporation. The quantity of water that evaporates everyday from the surface of the earth is about two hundred and ninety cubic miles. In the absence of evaporation, precipitation would have rendered the atmosphere dry within ten days. The quantity of water that undergoes evaporation is dependent upon various factors like the intensity of the sunlight, plant cover and ground moisture. Evaporation is indirectly proportional to the humidity of the atmosphere. Due to the different climatic zones on the surface of the earth, the rate of evaporation varies from near zero at the poles to about thirteen feet a year over the Gulf Stream. Evaporation of water is offset by precipitation and runoff (Perlman, 2006). Precipitation A phase change that takes place in the atmosphere, whereby water vapor condenses to form clouds and falls on to the earth as rain is known as precipitation. This falling water can be either a liquid as in rain or it can be a solid like snow, ice etc. the daily average of precipitation that falls on to the earth is of the order of seventy cubic miles. About a third of this precipitated water flows into the rivers and streams, while the rest evaporates (Gedzelman, 2005). Runoff Surface runoff occurs when water flows into rivers and streams. On an average about twenty four cubic miles of water is runoff every day. If snow and ice melt rapidly or if any rainfall occurs the result is an overland flow of water. It causes a rapid increase in the water level of a river and this could result in floods. On the other hand, the ground water flow takes place through rocks and the soil. Water from rains and melting snow sweeps through the ground and reaches the water table. Subsequently, this water flows to a water table which is at a lower level. Its speed of flow though only three feet a day is almost constant (Gedzelman, 2005). Effects of Human Activity Human beings use a lot of water; it plays a vital role in their very existence. With the growing population the demand for fresh water is also increasing. A number of methods are used to obtain fresh water, such as irrigation channels, wells etc. Due to the large amount of water being extracted from ground there has been a significant lowering of water table. In some coastal areas the result has been the forcible entry of sea water. Due to global warming there is a vast change in the earth’s climate. In several regions of the world the water available is unfit for consumption. All these factors have adversely affect water cycle. In the absence of optimal usage of water there is a serious danger that severe water scarcity could transpire (Robert Carpenter, 2001). References Gedzelman, S. D. (2005). Water Cycle. Microsoft  ® Encarta  ® 2006 (DVD) . Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation. hydrologic cycle. (2002). Retrieved April 20, 2007, from In The New Dictionary of Cultural Literacy, Houghton Mifflin: http://www. xreferplus. com/entry/2446693 Perlman, H. (2006, Aug 28). The water cycle: Evaporation. Retrieved April 20, 2007, from http://ga. water. usgs. gov/edu/watercycleevaporation. html Robert, J. , Carpenter, S. R. (2001). Water in a changing world . Issues in ecology , 1027-1045.

Government Policy and Ideologies of Welfare

Government Policy and Ideologies of Welfare With reference to changes in government policy and ideologies of welfare, debate the significance of the shift from victorian ‘pauper to 21st century ‘service user and its impact on social work practice and values. By charting changes in government policy and welfare ideologies, this essay will discuss the significance of the move from the Victorian ‘Pauper towards the 21st century ‘Service User and examine how this has influenced social work values and practice. But first, brief consideration must be given to offering a definition of these terms. The Oxford English Dictionary (2009: online) defines a pauper as somebody with no property or means of livelihood; who is dependent upon charity from others; and a beggar. Terminology has changed dramatically and the term ‘service user emerged in the 1990s as the generic name for people social workers work with (Pierson Thomas, 2006: 560). In contrast to ‘pauper, the Collins Internet-Linked Dictionary of Social Work by Pierson and Thomas (2006: 560) states: â€Å"its popularity has spread among practitioners, managers and social work educators alike as it seems to convey the more contemporary emphasis on those who receive the service having some rights and influence over that service† (Ibid.). All societies have methods of assisting those in financial difficulties (Payne, 2005: 13) and the 1601 English Poor Law was the first national welfare provision that lasted in one form or another for 350 years (Spicker, 2008: 78). However, in the 18th century, the Poor Law Report demonstrated the current allowance system was demoralising and promoted idleness (Fraser, 2009: 53). This, coupled with a proliferation of paupers and escalating relief costs, led to the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834 which heralded the introduction of workhouses, designed to deter everyone but the destitute from applying for support (Thane, 1996: 31). It was hoped by replacing outdoor relief with the workhouse, the faults of the current system would be corrected (Fraser, 2009: 55). Ultimately, it provided a harsh alternative to self-help that the pauper would only accept when destitute; and fearing the workhouse, they would hopefully find employment (Ibid.: 55-56). This was in keeping with the general social p hilosophy of the time that supposed â€Å"men were masters of their own fate and that the individual had within his grasp the power to find his own salvation† (Ibid.: 56). Those requiring assistance were blamed for their position and expected to find solutions to their own self-imposed misery (Sullivan, 1996: xiv). Therefore, the Victorian Poor Law divided the needy into the deserving and undeserving poor; with the deserving worthy of philanthropic assistance whilst the undeserving was punished for their feckless behaviour (Ibid.). In essence, the Amendment Act successfully forced able-bodied men to take responsibility for themselves (Thane, 1996: 33). Throughout the 1880s charitable responses to suffering grew (Payne, 2005: 36) and the Charitable Organisation Society was established in 1869, aiming to persuade charities to organise resources so they were distributed to those best able to use them (Thane, 1996: 21). The COS was not an alternative to the Poor Law, but the flip side of the same coin (Payne, 2005: 36) and its principles encouraged people to become self-dependent and only helped those with potential to support themselves (Thane, 1996: 21). It provided charity for the ‘deserving and hence, left those without potential to become self-dependent to destitution or the Poor Law (Ibid.: 21-34). Furthermore, COS endeavoured to find lasting solutions to peoples problems, without removing them from their environment and pioneered the practice of case-work whereby investigations were conducted into clients backgrounds who were then helped if deemed worthy (Ibid.). Much had to be said for this case-work approach, which provi ded a real attempt to investigate the nature of the peoples problems (Ibid.) and essentially, through the development of this method, created social work (Payne, 2005: 38). Many people following COS principles in theory found it challenging to abandon those in desperate need in practice (Thane, 1996: 23). Hence, dissatisfaction generated new voluntary approaches, including the Settlement Movement, which initiated modern community work (Ibid.). Residential settlement Toynbee Hall was established in 1884 where graduates would live and work among the poor; a model replicated throughout the country by the end of the century (Ibid.). It aimed for them to utilise their moral example and education to foster social development (Payne, 2005: 37) and its warden Samuel Barnett believed class harmony and material improvement would only improve when the rich regarded the poor as equally worthy individuals (Thane, 1996: 21). Moving to the twentieth century, following the Second World War, fundamental welfare changes were introduced under the Labour government in accordance with a blueprint proposed in the 1942 Beveridge Report (Bochel, 2008: 192). Subsequently, the period from 1945 until the 1970s is considered: â€Å"One of political consensus on key issues, stemming from a combination of the economic philosophy of Keynes, and the social policy of Beveridge, enshrining the ideas of the mixed economy and the welfare state† (Ibid.). During this period it was assumed societies had progressed, rendering the state responsible for providing universal welfare provision for citizens (Payne, 2005: 50). Subsequently, the state established a range of social services in the new era of welfare capitalism and this social security was regarded as the instrument that would eradicate poverty (Sullivan, 1996: xiii-3). The welfare state was created to put welfare on a new footing (Briggs, 1961 cited in Spicker, 2008: 121) where everyone, not just the poor, had the right to access services (Spicker, 2008: 121). This contrasted starkly to when support was confined to the destitute and deliberately made unpleasant under the Poor Law (Checkland Checkland, 1974 cited in Spicker, 2008: 121) and this commitment to universalism provided an obvious change from the past (Sullivan, 1996: 54). Moreover, social work was becoming accepted as part of universal welfare provision alongside health, housing and social security (Payne, 2005: 50) a nd in the 25 years following the war, a gradual professionalizing shift occurred (Lymberry, 2001: 371). Subsequently, following the 1968 Seebohm Report and the 1970 Local Authority Social Services Act, the three existing personal social services were reorganised into unified local authority departments (Sullivan, 1996: 195-196). It was hoped this would â€Å"provide a more co-ordinated and comprehensive approach to the problems of individuals, families and communities† (Seebohm Report, 1968 quoted in Lymberry, 2001: 371). Fundamentally, this was a period of proliferation and consolidation for social work with the hope it would contribute towards creating a more equal society (Lymberry, 2001: 371). This movement to the welfare state from the Poor Law is referred to as the progression to ‘institutional welfare from ‘residual provision (Wilensky Lebeaux, 1965 cited in Spicker, 2008: 92). Residual welfare catered for a limited number of people, was provided under sufferance and regarded as a public burden (Spicker, 2008: 92). Furthermore, the Poor Law was punitive in nature, limited liabilities through deterrence and deprived paupers of their rights (Ibid.). Contrastingly, institutional welfare covered the general populations needs, regardless of their financial circumstances, and offered protection to everyone (Ibid.). It was built on accepting mutual responsibility, considered dependency to be normal, and was based on the premise of a right to welfare and citizenship, (Ibid.). Theoretically, this universalism provided the only way to guarantee high quality of services were available for all and removed the stigma associated with state services (Sullivan, 1996: 54). During the two decades after the war, governments believed in Keynesian demand management techniques and Beveridges social ideas (Ibid.: 90). However, from the late 1960s these economic policies failed and the UK faced a fiscal crisis of the state (Ibid.). Subsequently, when the Conservatives were elected in 1979, the ideology of the New Right dominated and heralded a change from the post-war welfare consensus (Lymberry, 2001: 372). This period was characterised by Neo-liberal thinking, which fundamentally questioned the state-delivered institutions forming the welfare state, and these beliefs have affected policy-making and the welfare system during recent decades (Ellison, 2008: 61-67). For example, Thatchers government was dedicated to rolling back the state and denying mutual commitments among citizens because allegedly society did not exist but comprised of competing individuals instead (Lowe, 1999: 307). They aspired for those dependent on the state to become independent becaus e: â€Å"If those in need were encouraged to look passively to the state for help, they would be denied the invigorating experience of self-help and of family or community care† (Ibid.). Therefore, the New Right were committed to re-moralising society, just as Poor Law reformers of the 1830s had before them, with a return to Victorian values (Ibid.). This generated a reduction in benefits and conditions stipulated for accessing these were toughened (Clarke et al., 2000: 3). Furthermore, an increasing stigma was attached to publicly provided welfare and it was, in some respects, criminalised by linking US notions of ‘welfare dependency and ‘demoralisation to UK ideas of ‘scrounging and ‘undeserving (Ibid.). Fundamentally, welfare had come full circle when: â€Å"Individualism as the motor of economic and social policy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centurys gave way to the collectivism of that classic welfare state only to re-emerge in the late twentieth century† (Sullivan, 1996: xv). New Right emphasis on the sanctity of marriage and family, the demonization of those who threatened these and their promotion of a social order based on ‘Victorian values impacted on social work (Lymberry, 2001: 372). It was forced to abandon its pretensions to providing a universalist service and focus on statutory duties, omitting the preventative remit laid out in the Seebohm Report (Ibid.). Furthermore, it underlined individuals looking after themselves and their families (Bochel, 2008: 194). Subsequently, social work changed after the Barclay Report of the 1980s, which introduced community social work strategies and encouraged local authority social services departments to develop alternative ways of meeting social need (Sullivan, 1996: 196). This approach envisaged moving from the traditional one-to-one focus towards facilitating self-help by communities, social networks, and individuals (Ibid.). Moreover, it heralded the movement of social workers from therapists to enab lers, supporting informal carers instead of providing the care themselves (Ibid.). When looking at New Labour and their ‘Third Way approach, a decisive shift has occurred in the role of the recipients of social work services. For example, Blair (2000 cited in Jordan, 2001: 529) intended to change the welfare state from delivering passive support towards active support, promoting citizens independence instead. Taking the middle ground between free-market principles of the Conservative years and old style socialism it meant services would demand more from citizens, requiring people to contribute to a responsible community (Jordan, 2001: 529-530). This tougher approach to welfare is evident in expecting many single parents, the disabled, and those receiving employment benefits to actively seek employment (Ellison, 2008: 67). Additionally, benefits are now less generous and more strictly means-tested than in the height of Keynesian welfare (Ibid.). Furthermore, the development of anti-oppressive practice signals a change in the attitudes towards the role of users of social work services. Anti-oppressive practice has emerged over the last decade, forms part of the critical social work tradition, and is concerned with transforming power relations at every level in practice (Healy, 2005: 172-178). Theorists believe the social work role is political with social workers holding a privileged status in comparison to service users (Ibid). Therefore, social workers must be critical and reflective in order to not replicate oppressive social relations in practice (Ibid.). Furthermore, it promotes working in partnership with service users with power genuinely shared at both an interpersonal and institutional level (Dalrymple and Burke, 1995: 65 cited in Healy, 2005: 187). Thus, service users opportunities for participation in decision-making should be maximised (Healy, 2005: 187). Social work has been affected by the unabated advancement of consumer capitalism and service users are expected to be more involved in arranging and managing services (Harris, 2009: 67). The New Right ideas emphasised that citizens had a right to freedom and choice (Ibid.: 68) and recent Conservative and Labour administrations have encouraged citizens to participate in welfare services; utilising market-like approaches to consultation and increased empowerment in decision-making (Bochel, 2008: 194). Efforts have been made to promote service user participation in planning and development with the view that their active role improves health and social care services (Carr, 2004: 2). Furthermore, the importance of individual choice in improving provider effectiveness, the notion of citizens rights and responsibilities and a belief that individuals involvement in decision-making results in solutions that better meet their needs have been underlined (Bochel, 2008: 194-195). This is evident in the Direct Payments scheme, endorsed on the basis of choice and independence, and demonstrates that the state increasingly expects citizens to be competent enterprising, managerial and autonomous individuals (Scourfield, 2007: 108). However, as Scourfield (Ibid.) asserts this raises concerns about dependent citizens and emphasises: â€Å"a danger of using independence and choice as central organizing principles is to forget how and why the public sector emerged in the first place—to ensure that those who are necessarily dependent are treated with respect and dignity, to ensure a collectivized approach to risk, and to ensure that secure and reliable forms of support outside of the market or the family are available†. Additionally, as Carr (2004: 2) found, the extent to which service user participation leads to improvements in services varies and there is little monitoring and evaluation of the difference user participation is making. Furthermore, despite citizenship, choice, community, social inclusion and autonomy being key to New Labours programme, (Blair, 1998 cited in Humphries, 2004: 95) Humphries (2004: 95) contends Labours pursuing of neo-liberal economic and morally repressive policies has degraded public services; punishing and excluding those â€Å"regarded as having been ‘given a chance but having ‘failed†. She proposes it is social workers who are expected to implement the surveillance systems that operate these policies and under New Labour a shift has occurred towards social work having an increasingly negative and narrow practice focussed on restriction, surveillance, control and exclusion (Ibid.: 93-95). Thus, social work is concerned with the moralistic side of Labours policies rather than with empowering people instead (Jordan, 2001 cited in Humphries, 2004: 94). Moreover, since 1993, increasingly punitive and repressive measures have been introduced to deter asylum seekers from coming to Britain and if they are granted access they enter an inhumane and inferior ‘welfare system (Humphries, 2004: 100). Acts such as the 1993 Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act and the 1996 Asylum and Immigration Act removed those subject to immigration controls from the welfare state (Ibid.: 101) and Cohen (2003 cited in Humphries, 2004: 101) describes the asylum support system as the creation of a modern day poor law based on coercion and lack of choice. This essay has documented the move from the use of the Victorian term ‘pauper to the 21st century term ‘service user by looking at shifts in government policy and welfare ideologies and its impact on social work. Looking back, one would hope we have progressed from the Victorian Poor Law that blamed the pauper for their need of assistance and deterred them from accessing support by rendering it as unpleasant as possible. However, when observing the stringent means-tested benefit system and New Labours tough approach welfare, ascertaining whether we have moved forward becomes questionable. Zarb (2006: 2), referring to how older couples can be separated due to housing and care allocation, questions whether citizens are still treated like the paupers in the Poor Law era who were regularly split up for not meeting the parishes criteria for support. Furthermore, to finish, Wynne-Jones (2007: online), writing on the Joseph Rowntree Foundation website, highlights that today the media still assigns different types of morality to types of poverty: â€Å"The undeserving poor are the Asbo kids and the hoodies, the drug-addicted and long-term unemployed. On the other hand, the ‘deserving poor look a lot like middle Englanders fallen on hard times†. Having spent time with a group of troubled young people on a Peckham estate, following the death of Damilola Taylor in 2000, she believes that it is through the stereotyped comedy characters such as Little Britains ‘Vicky Pollard that Middle England reveals how threatened it feels about the ‘undeserving poor; utilising comedy as a means of criticising our societies ‘underclass (Ibid.). She maintains that as Middle England laughs from the unease that people like this exist on our poorest estates, years on from Damilolas death, we are still failing those, like the group in Peckham, who are â€Å"damaged so badly by life that their only empowerment is to attack others† (Ibid.). Therefore, to conclude, whilst a change in terminology has occurred moving from ‘pauper to ‘service user, it is problematic determining how far attitudes towards those in need of assistance have genuinely changed for the better. Reference List Bochel, C. (2008) â€Å"State Welfare† in Alcock, P. et al., (2008) The Students Companion to Social Policy, 3rd Ed, Oxford: Blackwell. Carr, S. (2004) â€Å"SCIE Position paper 3 Summary: Has service user participation made a difference to social care services?† available at http://www.scie.org.uk/publications/positionpapers/pp03-summary.pdf accessed on 17th December 2009. Clarke, J. et al. (2000) â€Å"Reinventing the Welfare State† in Clarke, J. et al. (2000) New Managerialism: New Welfare? London: Sage. Ellison, N. (2008) â€Å"Neo-Liberalism† in Alcock, P. et al., (2008) The Students Companion to Social Policy,3rd Ed, Oxford: Blackwell. Fraser, D. (2009) The Evolution of the British Welfare State, 4th Ed, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Harris, J. (2009) â€Å"Customer-citizenship in modernised social work† in Modernising Social Work: Critical Considerations, Bristol: Policy Healy, K (2005) Social Work Theories in Context: Creating Frameworks for Practice, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Humphries, B. (2004) â€Å"An Unacceptable Role for Social Work: Implementing Immigration Policy† British Journal of Social Work 34: 93-107 available at http://bjsw.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/34/1/93 accessed on 17th December 2009. Jordan, B. (2001) â€Å"Tough Love: Social Work, Social Exclusion and the Third Way†, British Journal of Social Work 31: 527- 546. Lowe, R. (1999) The Welfare State in Britain Since 1945, 2nd Ed, Houndmills, Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan Lymberry, M. (2001) â€Å"Social Work at the Crossroads†, British Journal of Social Work 31: 369-384 available at http://bjsw.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/31/3/369 accessed on 22nd December 2009. Oxford English Dictionary (2009) available at www.oed.com accessed on 23rd November 2009. Payne, M. (2005) The Origins of Social Work: Continuity and Change, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Pierson, J. Thomas, M. (2006) Collins Internet-Linked Dictionary of Social Work, Glasgow: Harper Collins. Scourfield, P. (2007) â€Å"Social Care and the Modern Citizen: Client, Consumer, Service User, Manager and Entrepreneur† British Journal of Social Work 37: 107-122 available at http://bjsw.oxfordjournals.org.ezproxy.lib.le.ac.uk/cgi/reprint/37/1/107?maxtoshow=HITS=10hits=10RESULTFORMAT=1title=Social+Care+and+the+Modern+Citizen%3A+Client%2C+Consumerandorexacttitle=andandorexacttitleabs=andandorexactfulltext=andsearchid=1FIRSTINDEX=0sortspec=relevanceresourcetype=HWCIT accessed on 24th November 2009. Spicker, P. (2008) Social Policy: Themes and Approaches,2nd Ed, Bristol: Policy. Sullivan, M. (1996) The Development of the British Welfare State, London: Prentice Hall Thane, P. (1996) Foundations of the Welfare State, 2nd Ed, London ; New York : Longman. Wynne-Jones, R. (2007) â€Å"Deserving vs Undeserving† available at http://www.jrf.org.uk/reporting-poverty/journalists-experiences/deserving-undeserving accessed on 16th December 2009. Zarb, G. (2006) â€Å"From Paupers to Citizens: Independent Living and Human Rights† available at http://www.scie.org.uk/news/events/humanrights06/gerryzarb.pdf accessed on 17th December 2009.

Kant’s Formula of the End in Itself :: Ethics Kant Formula End Itself Essays

Kant’s Formula of the End in Itself ABSTRACT: Is Kant’s "Formula of the End in Itself" overly demanding? In addressing this question, I sketch a conception of co-obligation, that is, a sort of moral requirement that holds, not of persons distributively, but of persons collectively. I then raise a problem of devolution: How does a co-obligation for all persons devolve upon me? For instance, given that we must maximize happiness, it does not seem to follow that I must always act so as to maximize happiness. In partial answer to this problem, I claim that some Kantian duties do stem from co-obligations. But this claim has as a crucial assumption the following conjecture: The "Formula of the End in Itself" is to be read as implying that we must treat each person as an end and not simply as a means. I Kant’s Formula of the End in Itself, with its conception of treating persons as ends and not simply as means, has had enormous influence in the history of ethics. In this talk, I shall discuss an objection to it, namely, that it is overly demanding. To begin with, let me state this objection more fully: Suppose that, in obedience to the Formula, you want to treat your friend as an end (and not simply as a means). Your action of treating her as an end can be either a positive one or a negative one. When it is positive, she is (in some way) the object of your agency — for example, you might treat her as an end by saving her life. In contrast, when it is negative, she is not the object of your agency — for example, you might treat her as an end by refraining from lying to her. Now the obligation to treat a person as an end is not overly demanding, when such an act is a negative one. For then you are simply obligated not to do something, an obligation that you can fully comply with by exercising self-control. For instance, it is hardly burdensome to refrain from lying to people. However, when the act is a positive one, the obligation to treat a person as an end can often be overly demanding. For then your obligation to her can be a good-Samaritan one, requiring you not to allow other persons to treat her simply as a means. But an obligation of this sort can be quite difficult to comply with, because you cannot exercise the same control over other persons that you can over yourself.

The Second Chance

The Second Chance When she came to, there was only the cold. She was on her side, against something hard, and it was draining the heat out of her, from the very marrow of her bones. She tried to raise her head, but had not yet come far enough into consciousness. She relaxed, and only then came to understand that she was lying on concrete. Thoughts flashed randomly, scattered and incomplete. She realized she could not remember her name, and that sudden insight sent her into panic. How did I get here? She fought to gain control over her fatigue and the fog in her mind.She lifted a hand and found she could wiggle her fingers. She tried an eyelid only to let it slam shut again in response to the sharp, blinding light of an overhead fixture. She slowly turned her head on the unforgiving concrete, away from the light, and tried again. One eye opened, then the next, and as her eyes slowly focused she saw a shiny black pair of boots standing next to her. Her eyes drifted up from the boots to the man’s face and realized that it was a police officer shining a flashlight in her face. He calmly said, â€Å"Don’t worry ma’am. The ambulance is on its way. You’re gonna be just fine. †As she began to hear sirens growing closer and closer, her eyes began to close again as she slowly drifted back into unconsciousness. She awoke again to find herself in a hospital bed, still panicked and unsure of whom she was. She looked over to see a nurse staring back at her. When the nurse noticed that the patient’s eyes had opened and was conscious again, she scrambled out of the room yelling for a doctor. The frantic nurse returned seconds later with a tall, middle-aged man dressed in all white who introduced himself as Dr. Wilson. He began by asking the woman if she knew her name, to which she replied with a small shake of the head.He then asked her if she could remember anything that happened prior to the fall, to which he received the same respon se. â€Å"It is common for patients with head trauma like yours to have some memory loss, but your memory will usually return in time,† the doctor reassured her. â€Å"I will say though, from a fall like that, you are very lucky to be alive. † In response to hearing this remark, the woman rolled her eyes and turned over to go back to sleep. After a week in the hospital, the woman still has no knowledge of who she is and no one has filed a missing persons report looking for a woman that matches her.Since she has recovered from most of her injuries, the hospital decides to release her to a women’s shelter in hopes that they can help her further. But after a few days of being in the shelter and with no progress, the woman decides to go for a walk. She begins walking the streets with no intended direction or place in mind. But the more she walks the clearer things become. And she eventually realizes that she has walked this path before. She soon comes to an all too familiar overpass. As she stands there looking down at the highway below her, she smiles and says aloud, â€Å"This time wait on a semi-truck before you jump, Jenny. †

Foundations of Human Development in the Social Environment Essay

Write a 700- to 1,050-word paper in which you examine the foundations of human development in the social environment. Address the following in your paper: Describe the interactions between the bio-psycho-social dimensions of development. Explain the concept of human diversity and cultural competence. Explain the connection between general systems theory and social order. The bio-psycho-social dimensions of human behavior are made up of biological, psychological and, social factors that explain human behavior. The biological dimension refers to the role of biological systems—meaning our bodies. The psychological dimension refers to the role of thoughts, emotion, and behavior on others. The social dimension refers to how individuals relate to various groups and institutions in society–and how groups and institutions relate to individuals, or classes of individuals. Social workers can understand a person’s behavior through subjective development. Viewing problems through a bio-psycho-social lens allows a social worker to help clients solve problems and learn coping skills through an understanding of behaviors and how biological, psychological and social aspects of ones life plays a role in behavior. When a Social worker has a better understanding of a client and the relationships in which the client is incorporated in, the social worker can set up a plan of action and the healing process can begin (Dale, Smith, Norlin,, Chess, ,2009).. The strengths perspective is a tool that helps aids in the understanding of people from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds; diversity. Different segments of society interpret things such as hand motion, eye contact and, other non-verbal communications in different ways. When a social worker can become proficient in cross cultural interaction, they will be much better  able to help clients that are from different cultures and ethnic backgrounds. This proficiency requires intense observation, superior listening skills, and a true desire to learn about different cultures, beliefs and traditions. The concept of human diversity can be described as a person or organization clearly understanding different cultures, languages, and beliefs of people and families from all around the world. Cultural competence can be described as skills, behaviors, attitudes, and policies implemented that assist social workers and organizations to efficiently deal with cross-cultural (socialworker.org, 2014). â€Å"Culture refers to integrated patterns of human behavior that include the language, thoughts, communications, actions, customs, beliefs, values, and institutions of racial, ethnic, religious, or social groups. ‘Competence’ implies having the capacity to function effectively as an individual and an organization within the context of the cultural beliefs, behaviors, and needs presented by consumers and their communities. (Minorityhealth.hhs.gov ,Adapted from Cross, 1989).† According to NAACP.org, cultural competence also focuses on population specific issues such as health related beliefs, cultural values, disease prevalence, and treatment efficiency. A culturally proficient social worker can make the difference in the success and failure of their clients. In the human service field when a social worker has an understanding of human diversity and cultural competence he or she can better understand clients from diverse backgrounds such as those with disabilities, the elderly, and the gay and lesbian community (NAACP.org, 2014). General systems theory is comparable to business and industry in the manner in which it is structured. In the business world, inputs are managed by organizational systems to produce outputs. In the field of social work, social workers use resources (inputs) to develop processes and procedures to produce services (outputs). Systems theory can help social work professionals comprehend how systems establish and the order of that social system. When explaining the connection between general systems theory and social order one must describe the two individually. General systems theory can be defined as components, which are in transaction and bounded. The components complement a system that functions within an environment. A component can be anything and exchanges are any relationship that exists between the components. A person is able to be aware of the boundaries  because it is what he or she can see, hear, feel, or sense. Social order is described as the demeanor in which a culture is organized and the standards that are required to manage the organization. Looking at what general systems theory and social order are separately one can see that both deal with groups and environments when working in human services both can work hand in hand when trying to find help and create goals for clients. The general systems theory is used in all aspects of social work, such as children and families, policymaking, and advocacy. Social order refers to a relatively stable system; institution, pattern of interactions, customs, and facts regarding society. To have a systems theory there must be social order. Without social order, one cannot determine the causes and factors within an environment that are causing a problem. Without social order we cannot provide proper treatment. Social order gives us a set of norms within a system. Without social order one cannot use systems theory (Mosby, 2009). In social services, bio-psycho-social dimensions, human diversity, cultural competence, general systems theory, and social order all work together to create a better environment for their clients, and enable social work professionals to better serve their clients. References Dale, O., Smith, R., Norlin, J., & Chess, W. (2009). Human behavior and the social environment: Social systems theory. (6th ed.). Boston: Pearson/Allyn and Bacon Zastrow, C., & Ashman, K. (1990). Understanding human behavior and the social environment (2nd ed.). Chicago: Nelson-Hall. Naacp.org, 2014